By Sarwar Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything fairly amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. now not precise, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is lifeless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to deal with Europe's emergence as an immense energy. one of those usa of Europe, with overseas priorities diverse from these of the USA, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US remains to be forging overseas coverage for Europe utilizing chilly conflict realities; either Democrats and Republicans count on the eu Union to fall into step, and file for carrier as needed—under American leadership.Europe, even if, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the international level, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq battle has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it was once a few department among American targets and ecu pursuits. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the USA a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American certain dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in response to a unique courting with the ecu Union. This schedule is electrified via the options of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this ebook, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British top minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional info for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
These cyclical recessions tend to be self-correcting, but every now and then there is a recession caused by extraordinary events. Such recessions cannot correct themselves and require strong corrective intervention, such as an immediate lowering of interest rates. If left to themselves, the recessions will just get worse and cause even further economic damage. “You have recessions and then you have structural recessions,” Clark told me. ” Although the subject of NATO and its continuing relevance will be explored in a later chapter, it is worth pointing out here that both Clark and Scowcroft believe the United States made a tragic mistake by refusing to include NATO in the coalition that fought the war in Afghanistan.
This cavalier treatment of an organization purportedly at the heart of the American-European relationship certainly did not help matters as the Iraqi crisis unfolded; it seemed to me another reflection of the true state of the transatlantic alliance. Paul Volcker I met with Paul Volcker on a summer morning in his sunny corner office overlooking that icon of American capitalism—New York’s Rockefeller Center. Volcker is one of the most prominent financial leaders of the last three decades. A towering figure physically as well as professionally, he served in the United States Federal Government for almost thirty years, under five presidents—both Republicans and Democrats.
In their view, “The place to start is the most benighted region of the world—the Middle East—where democracy is nowhere present, where the growth rates are abysmal and conflict is endemic,” Scowcroft said. ” It is the neoconservative vision that dominates United States policy today, and it does not bode well for the alliance’s future prospects. Brent Scowcroft, the National Security Advisor during the first Gulf War, was one of the key architects of the coalition that President George H. W. Bush put together to forcibly remove Iraq from Kuwait.