By Steven Snape
This ebook explores the improvement of tombs as a cultural phenomenon in old Egypt and examines what tombs display approximately historical Egyptian tradition and Egyptians’ trust within the afterlife.
Investigates the jobs of tombs within the improvement of funerary practicesContent:
Chapter 1 anonymous Lives at Tarkhan and Saqqara (pages 7–23):
Chapter 2 Pits, Palaces and Pyramids (pages 24–34):
Chapter three Non?Royal Cemeteries of Dynasty four (pages 35–50):
Chapter four Unas, Teti and Their Courts (pages 51–67):
Chapter five The Tombs of Qar and Idu (pages 68–85):
Chapter 6 A turning out to be Independence (pages 86–104):
Chapter 7 Ankhtify (pages 105–116):
Chapter eight Osiris, Lord of Abydos (pages 117–135):
Chapter nine ‘Lords of lifestyles’ (pages 136–147):
Chapter 10 Strangers and Brothers (pages 148–165):
Chapter eleven North and South (pages 166–175):
Chapter 12 Ineni, Senenmut and User?Amun (pages 176–189):
Chapter thirteen Rekhmire and the Tomb of the Well?Known Soldier (pages 190–206):
Chapter 14 Huya and Horemheb (pages 207–222):
Chapter 15 Samut and the Ramesside deepest Tomb (pages 223–232):
Chapter sixteen Sennedjem (pages 233–244):
Chapter 17 Petosiris (pages 245–259):
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Extra resources for Ancient Egyptian Tombs: The Culture of Life and Death
In this way, as well as a being a religious duty, the operation of the cult of a god brought with it practical benefits for the priests concerned. This system was also used by kings to create a substantial real estate portfolio for their own mortuary cult: for instance, at Dahshur, King Snefru listed estates all over Egypt whose produce would flow to the pyramid complex in order to provide offerings for the dead king and to pay the priesthood which served the cult of that king. Ka-Priests and Funerary Estates The ‘Reversion of Offerings’ system which could serve the needs of temple gods and royal mortuary cults could also, albeit on a smaller scale, provide offerings for the tomb-owner without relying on the beneficence of future generations.
More fundamentally, the requirement of food offerings was the most obvious example of the way in which the Egyptians considered a continuing relationship between the Living and the Dead to be extremely important, and also the systems themselves provided important economic and social benefits to the Living who carried them out, as a source of redistributive income and an important social cement. Acquiring a Tomb Part of the social role of the tomb was as an indicator of status, particularly in relation to the king.
Crucially, the Egyptians chose to view the external ka as having a range of possibilities and limitations which it had shared with its living being/host: a body as a physical host, the sustenance of food and drink, a home in which to live. These limitations meant that the ka did not leave the physical world, but dwelt within it: although a spiritual form, it continued to need a physical host, ideally the body; although a spiritual form, it required sustenance in the form of food and drink. Other requirements, or desires, for a beneficial afterlife would follow, but the core need of the ka as a spiritual entity requiring physical necessities was one of the major factors which dictated the attitude of the Egyptians towards the Dead, including the form and use of the tomb as the place where the necessary ongoing relationship between the Living and the Dead was crystallized.